I voted this
week. How about you? It is a satisfying act, especially during a
Presidential year. No, I'm not as excited as I was last time. It
was particularly sweet in 2008 to watch the returns with my mother,
living out her life in a Republican (owner and inmates) extended care
facility in Pennsylvania. She was so proud of her native North
Carolina helping to deliver “my President.” My mother has
passed, and we are the end of a campaign without any serious issue
other than the economy. No matter who wins this time, we in the
climate movement know that our work redoubles with the new
administration, for this is effectively the last time we get four
more years (see my August post). If we don't seriously deter
carbon emissions by 2016, the CO2 momentum will be unstoppable.
In a letter to
the editor a few weeks ago, I said it was not such a bad thing that
the fairly weak cap-and-trade bill that passed the US House in 2009
failed in the Senate. If things had gone otherwise, we might have
congratulated ourselves and become prematurely complacent.
Cap-and-trade failed in Europe and Japan because the system was
subject to gaming and manipulation. What we need is a carbon tax,
which international leaders from both left and right have tried to
enact. A carbon tax is fairer and much harder to cheat, the main
issue being pricing carbon high enough to put a brake on CO2
emissions, encouraging rapid development of alternative energy
sources. Senator Maria Cantwell's CLEAR act was a brave, though
flawed start.
On the eve of
the 2012 election, it is almost absurd to be discussing the
possibility of government being able to do anything about the
impending climate doom I outlined in the last two posts. Though
dissatisfaction with Congress is at record levels, pundits predict
the GOP will retain its hold on the House, while the Democrats are
likely to barely hold onto the Senate, an essentially frozen
institution shackled by its own bizarre rules. So even if the
candidate who has most consistently aligned himself with science in
the past wins, the chances of getting something done through the
legislature is close to zero. Perhaps our nation's approach to
international climate action needs to shift.
Looking at the
failure of international negotiations to slow down climate change, MIT policy wonk David Victor
argues in
Global Warming Gridlock for a new strategy, a series
of bilateral agreements among countries with similar goals and
interests. Immediately, I thought of the US and China, who together
produce over 50% of the world's emissions. We are also huge trading
partners. A bilateral agreement with China, preposterous as it
seems, could turn nationalist competition into global climate
security. Like the Russians with their space program in 1960, China
is ahead in the Green Revolution, giving it more resources by far
than any other country (though admittedly they are still challenged
by the growth of their grid, still mostly fueled by coal). Such a
priority shift in a somewhat frosty relationship could definitely
dampen global warming in one huge blow. And of course there are
other parties highly motivated to work against climate change,
including the large economies who were signatories to the Kyoto
Accord. With a new international accord proving unlikely, bilateral
treaties modeled on trade accords could work with a carbon tax to
achieve goals in CO2 reduction. The favored model is tax and
distribute, and the distribution just might be tailored to offset the
huge inequalities in historical carbon production.
Sure, this is a
tall order, but the US diplomatic corps is large, with some very
talented people. China is ramping up its diplomats, and its climate
scientists have the ear of the regime. The biggest obstacle remains
massive denial here in the US fueled by a calculated attempt by think
tanks and ad agencies funded by Big Carbon. The PBS program
Frontline recently aired a report on the key players in this process. The alarming shift in
public opinion is hugely abetted by the Republican Party, which is
fast cleansing itself of those who have the courage to go on on
record that anthropogenic climate change is for real. We need to
undo the right wing assault on climate science and the coalition of
the Tea Party with the Christian Right.
Secular
environmentalists and liberal Christians need to form bonds with more
conservative Christians to elevate ecojustice to its fundamental
position as a Christian witness. West Coast evangelicals include a
significant, vocal minority of young folks who are putting their
bodies on the line, tree-huggers for Christ. A large number of
citizens signed a petition to Jim Lehrer to ask a climate change
question in the first debate. At the second,
Young Evangelicals for Climate Action met in silent prayer under banners to awaken the
campaign to the enormous centrality of climate change. Their mentor,
Richard Cizik, though thrown out of the National Association of Evangelicals for supporting committed gay relationships, continues to fire up steady
crowds who come to hear his
prophetic climate action message.
And of course we
need political leadership. A first-term President Obama made the fateful
choice to prioritize health care. After that protracted, draining
battle, the 2010 elections ended his window of opportunity for major
legislative initiatives. A second-term Obama would not have to work
for re-election, leading hopeful liberals and progressives to dream
that he might bust out of his prison. Thus far he hasn't shown that
kind of leadership, consistently being a pragmatic deal-maker. But
a climate deal with China, though initially radical, would require a
lot of the lawyerly deal-making that he finds natural.
Labels: bilateral climate agreements, Cantwell, cap-and-trade, carbon tax, CLEAR, Frontline, Global Warming Gridlock, Green Revolution, Kyoto Protocol, Richard Cizik, Young Evangelicals for Climate Action