Friday, August 31, 2018
The Covenant is Broken: What Now?
Over the past year, the self-censorship of climate scientists has begun to thaw, and the timid predictions of the IPCC are being questioned ever more robustly. Academics from allied fields peering into the abyss are no longer fearful of losing their careers, and elder scientists no longer fear losing their grants. Catastrophic climate change either has already begun (see accompanying firemap), as some researchers argue, or it will be upon us
in a matter of scant years. The popular article announcing this sea-change is the recent NYT Magazine piece,
“Losing Earth.”
In this richly researched piece, focusing on a few key figures (James Hansen and Rafe Pomerance are the good guys; John Sununu their chief nemesis), Nathaniel Rich argues that “we” had a chance during the pivotal decade for climate science and public policy (1979-89), but blew it. He sums his argument with this: “Human beings, whether in global organizations, democracies, industries, political parties, or as individuals are incapable of sacrificing present convenience to forestall a penalty imposed on future generations.” It seems we are wired to "obsess over the present, worry about the medium term and cast the longterm out of our minds, as we might spit out a poison.”
Naomi Klein, the brilliant and passionate ecosocialist journalist, replied furiously that it was the
neoliberals who “lost the Earth,” not the royal “we” of Rich’s piece, because the masses are disempowered, even in so-called liberal democracies. Climate research arrived at the moment between two political and economic paradigms, with the remnants of the New Deal, augmented by Rachel Carson, Earth Day and the Nixon Congress, replaced by neoliberalism. Any “deals” on the climate, would have to work within the new framework, viz carbon trading, carbon taxes, and that ugliest of terms, “ecosystem services.” Klein’s analysis - see her full-blown argument in
This Changes Everything- is astute and well-researched, though her solution to the climate dilemma – a global socialist revolution by 2019 – is a progressive’s fantasy.
Though neoliberalism arrived during the Reagan presidency, it continued into the first Bush presidency, Clinton, and the presidents serving since the pivotal 2000 election. The Republican Party remains its primary champion, but it has captured the political elites of all sides and in all countries. I remember the amazement with which I read a short newspaper piece reporting on an Asian economic summit where Bill Clinton called the Market a “force of nature.” Here's an
excellent history and critique of neoliberalism.
Peter Sawtell, whose
Ecojustice Notes is a welcome weekly invitation to ecospiritual dialogue, also challenges Rich’s assertions about human nature, linking to a rich series of articles from the liberal press. More than one of them points out that, whereas Rich tries to show that some Republicans in Congress were ready to act on climate even before their Democratic colleagues, and that Exxon did early research which corroborated the claims of climate scientists, the Republican Party, above all other political forces on the planet, and the Big Fossil oligarchy, headed by Exxon, have done more damage in the political climate wars than any other players.
So, are Klein and Sawtell et al correct, that it is social, political and economic structures at work here, rather than something called “human nature?” From a broadly Marxist perspective, they are. But I’m afraid that both personal psychology and social behavior are aspects of the all-too-human. Industrial capitalism, which has extended its reach beyond liberal democracies to the state capitalism of China, has magnified the terrifying power of our crafty minds and vastly extended hands. Yes, Naomi, just as the necessary conditions for grappling with the dreadful awakening of the Climate Beast (Tim Flannery) came together, the perfect storm of the neoliberal inflection of economics, industry and politics arrived as well.
In
This Changes Everything, Klein makes the case for a simmering global socialist uprising, which is the only thing that can save us. She is arguing for structural change, and she’s talking non-violent revolution. Precisely. The powers that be, even if they have a vise-grip, remain in power only as long as the masses tolerate them. Change must be born in the hearts and minds of human beings, which are immensely malleable, however noble their capabilities at the highest range. My mentor
Joanna Macy has identified the key problem, which is that the self-reflexive consciousness that humans and a few other big-brained mammals have achieved, has not broken through to the level of social systems. We do have “esprit de corps” in various organizations, though it’s probably declining, and orators can stir mass passions - for good or bad. But the whole social system responding as one to all the feedback necessary for survival has not happened yet. The history of consciousness is full of such breakthroughs at the level of the individual personality, all the way to God-consciousness. Joanna suggests that the current crisis for the survival of higher life on Earth could be what engenders “self-reflexivity on the next holonic level,” that is at the level of social systems. She wrote this twenty years ago.
Rich’s focus on individual personalities satisfies our hunger for and identification with the hero’s quest – and James Hansen, who I have met twice, is one of mine. But this model is inadequate for the terrifying global moment in which we stand. As Larry Rasmussen says, we cannot solve anthropocene problems with holocene tools of imagination and morality. Some of these are part of the problem, especially our enduring tendency to measure everything in terms of its effect on humans alone, rather than the whole Earth community.
A perfect storm stopped effective climate action just as it was crystallizing. It was more than just “human nature” that caused humanity to miss the chance in the 80’s to prevent climate catastrophe. Neoliberalism both 1) undermined the devotion to social welfare of a world order where Keynesian constraints (“embedded liberalism”) reigned in unfettered capitalism and 2) led us more fully into the all-too-human characteristics of procuring as much as we can for ourselves and our tribe. Indeed, the “end of history” now has the ironic ring of the end of global civilization, rather than the triumph of the capitalist West.
However, underneath political and economic theory, anthropologists and primatologists have identified patterns which make escaping the endgame of civilization unlikely, and the exhaustive polymath Craig Dilworth has written a longterm history coming to the conclusion that we are
Too Smart for Our Own Good (and too Dumb to Change), which I reviewed in this blog. Though it’s not fashionable these days, there is something one could call human nature, rooted in the genetic and behavioral matrix of the primate order. Evolutionary breakthroughs which might refine that nature may be more frequent at moments of great stress, but it’s getting awfully late in the game.
After the Flood, the Unnameable made a rainbow sign in the clouds signaling his covenant “between me and you and every living creature with you, a covenant for all generations to come,” to preserve Creation (especially to not send the floodwaters again). Generations have felt comfort from these words in Genesis (12-16). But with the oceans beginning their now inexorable rise, anxiety creeps in among the faithful who pay attention to Creation, and dread certainty among those of who are awake. We have broken our end of the covenant, upon which the theology of stewardship has been built. But this is not the end of the story.
Labels: "Losing Earth", Anthropocene, catastrophic climate change, Exxon, Genesis Covenant, James Hansen, Joanna Macy, Naomi Klein, neoliberalism, Republican Party
Saturday, January 23, 2016
Trial by Necessity: a Big Win for the Delta 5
In my post of Jan
18, I wondered what the verdict would be in the Delta 5 case. Five
defendants had blocked a train in 2014 carrying fracked gas,
stripmined coal, and fracked Bakken oil from North Dakota. Well, the
verdict is in, and the defendants were
acquitted of “obstruction” and any financial losses accruing from their
action. Four of them were convicted on the charge of trespassing, for
which they had to pay fines, as well as court fees.
What is significant
about this trial is that the judge, Anthony Howard, allowed a
necessity defense to be argued for the first time in such a case (the
trial of Jay Ohara resulted in an
implicit honoring of this rationale for blocking a coal tanker in Massachusetts, but there were
no legal arguments to this effect). However, when it was time to
charge the jury, he explicitly told them not to consider this
argument in their deliberations, because there was no precedent to do
so. One juror said later that if he had allowed them to consider
that line of defense, there would have been an outright acquittal.

Another juror
thanked the defendants for the “education” they had received by
listening to the witnesses for the defense. A defendant quipped,
“Welcome to the movement.” Jurors and defendants hugged at the
conclusion of the proceedings. It was a heartwarming victory, as
well as a toe in the door opening to the necessity defense. Setting
that precedent, which Judge Howard, though sympathetic, was reluctant to
do, would link the climate movement and the insurgents who are its
leading wave directly with the Justinian Code on res communes.
That would be a huge step
forward for enforcing the Paris accord and climate realism in
constitutional governments. And with James Hansen now directly
advising China, all of the major players in the unfolding endgame of
the climate drama would be involved.
(Hansen
told me via e-mail several years ago that he had given up on our
wishy-washy government to focus upon advising China, a more direct
process than having to make continual end-runs around a reactionary
Republican Congress. He was responding to my post on the
philosopher-king cutting the Gordian climate knot.)
Building
on this victory, 350.org is calling for a global wave of civil
disobedience aimed at keeping fossil fuels in the ground this May in
a campaign called “Break Free.” In the first four days of the appeal, 12,000 people signed up
worldwide, including this blogger. Read
about the campaign, and please discern what your part may be in
helping us Break Free, fulfilling Obama's 2008 campaign pledge,
something we all now know he could have never accomplished alone - or with virtually any Congress. Look around you - the fossil fools are everywhere, but you need to choose your targets strategically and wisely. The
time is ripe. Pluck the berry of opportunity while ye can. Let's talk about this!
Labels: 350.org, Break Free, Delta 5, James Hansen, Jay O'Hara, Justinian Code, necessity defense, Paris Accord, philosopher-king
Thursday, December 10, 2015
Climate Justice: Does the Industrial West Owe Reparations?
As the talks in
Paris entered their second, crucial week, unresolved issues that have
been hanging for years of negotiations remain the sticking points.
They center around climate justice, or the obligations of the rich,
developed nations to the poor, developing ones. In a rather shocking
“non-paper” sent to fellow rich countries before COP 21, the US
urged its peers to hold firm against the demands of poor countries,
for the main issue remained getting CO2 emissions down, not
administering justice, which our government correctly saw as an
ongoing (eternal) process, not something that could be resolved by
one treaty.
It is a sad, harsh
reality that certain nations face earlier climate ruin than others.
The Pacific island nations, much of Africa, and Bangla Desh come
immediately to mind, as do the South Indians who are being flooded as
I write. An international Green Climate Fund has been created, with
a goal of $100 billion for helping weaker countries adapt to climate
change. As nations entered the Paris talks, this fund was less than
3% funded, though many are encouraged that some private capitalists,
notably Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg, have committed to the process
in a big way in Paris. Current U.S. commitments are paltry, dwarfed
by our governments continuing huge subsidies to gas and oil
interests.
I agree that firm
commitments from the wealthier nations to make this fund a robust
instrument of both adaptation and mitigation – as in the accord
between France and India to invest $3 billion to supercharge solar
energy in India – are absolutely required as part of a document
that most of the world's nations could sign. And it is a major
gesture, a huge shift since Copenhagen, that China has committed to
contributing to this fund.
A key element in the
climate justice demands of the G77 block in Paris is the historical
carbon debt of the First World. It is true that the Western powers,
primarily the UK and the US, have contributed most of the historical
CO2 emissions. This historical carbon, as James Hansen recently
pointed out, continues to represent the huge bulk of the extra CO2
burdening the carbon cycle. It persists for a long time, most of it
a mere 500 years, but a quarter of it lasts essentially forever. See
the sobering article in
Nature.
The persistence of
fossil CO2 in the atmosphere means that we must not only ramp down
our emissions as fast as possible, but also find ways to pull it back
out of the atmosphere (my post on fixing CO2 in soil last month outlines
one pathway). So, yes, our industrial error has proved to be a
mammoth one. But at the time of the industrial revolution in
England, and later with the rapid industrialization of the US, we
simply did not know what we were doing. The consensus was that the
inventors were improving the lot of mankind. We now need to leave
the platform which fossil fuels built, but we also need to recognize
the many aspects of the modern world which were created by, and
continue to be fueled by, oil in particular. This is part of the
legacy of those who industrialized first to the rest of the world,
even as we acknowledge the brave new world of new sources of energy,
and new materials (see the current Economist for a fascinating look
at the
emerging materials universe), one which needs to replace
the fossil platform as fast as possible.
In a recent
wide-ranging historical overview of climate science,
US science advisor John Holdren argued that scientists reporting to the
President reached consensus by 1990 that the CO2 burden added by
burning fossil fuels was greater than the opposing effect of
industrial aerosol pollution (these aerosols, primarily sulfates,
ironically hinder the warming effect of greenhouse gases by damping
the amount of incoming solar radiation through re-reflection).
If
political leaders had accepted that scientific
consensus, then any fossil-sourced emissions from that point on could
be charged as culpable, witting ecological sin. That would of
course include most of the cumulative emissions from China and India,
as well as the continuing emissions from countries who
industrialized first. The fact that the Republican Party continues to
deny that climate change is human-driven is probably the greatest
moral error in history, given this consensus. Even worse, Exxon
scientists had reached the conclusion that fossil carbon would prove
catastrophic
before 1990.
But given that
concerns about fossil greenhouse gases did not lead to any conclusive
research until so late in the history of industrialization, I do not
think that the US and the UK (plus Russia, Germany, and Japan) owe
“reparations” for the historical carbon they dumped into Gaia's
system. However, given the clear judgment in hindsight of the
dominant role of the Anglo Atlantic partnership in the process of
industrialization fueled by fossil carbon, India's argument that they
and other developing nations like Indonesia should be alloted the
lion's share of the remaining fossil carbon production is a
convincing one – much as I would like to see all fossil carbon
burning cease in the critically immediate future. China, which has
developed faster than India, used to make the same argument, but air
quality there, not to mention recognition at the highest levels of
state of the imperative to limit global CO2 emissions, has shifted
their tone (China has arguably the strongest renewable program in the
world, despite the fact that it continues to use a lot of coal,
though at a significantly decreasing rate).
What does make
sense, which the wealthy nations continue to resist, is to fully fund
the Green Climate Fund, with no more dithering. Yes, mitigation, as
well as adaptation at this initial level of climate disruption is
expensive, but far, far less than what would be required with
disastrous BAU. The
Stern Review remains the primary source
clearly documenting this. At the halfway point in negotiations, it
looks as if the wealthy nations will acknowledge some historical
responsibility, but only if the issue is never brought up again. That
feels like they are ramming through their will once again, and such a
demand is unfair, if one looks at it in terms of value statements
about justice and responsibility.
Nevertheless, I
think the international community needs to put the idea of
“reparations” behind it. The West correctly sees that setting any
kind of precedent for that opens the door to being given a bill for
any future disasters in the Third World, no matter what their cause.
Though I have enormous sympathy for those who are on the frontlines
of climate disruption, it is too much to expect a blank check
accepting blanket responsibilities from the heirs of some innovative
tinkerers in the coal country of England 300 years ago.
As for justice,
Exxon should be heavily prosecuted for their willful climate change
denial, the lynchpin in a strategy previously set by the tobacco
industry, which also cynically denied their own internal research.
Except that it is not just individual smokers killing themselves in
the instance of strategically motivated climate denial, but ecocide.
Reparations to extinct species are impossible.
Labels: bill Gates, climate justice, Exxon's denial and prosecution, G77, Green climate fund, historical carbon debt, James Hansen, john Holdren, Paris COP 21
Thursday, October 22, 2015
The Anthropocene is the Name of the Game – first in a series.
Returning from considering the
possibilities of Deep Time, I come upon the present geological
period, one dominated by human artifacts and titanic planetary shifts
we have brought about, chiefly through burning fossil carbon. It is
aptly named the Anthropocene. While many would like to see the age of
mammals, the Cenozoic era, continue, especially the sweet spot in
which we have thrived, the Holocene period, we have clearly thrust
ourselves, and the entire biosphere, into a brave new world. Though
modern industrial civilization is out of control, we are now in
charge, as indicated in the bold book by Mark Lynas I reviewed here,
The God Species
If we are out of control, shouldn't we
perhaps submit to the forces of chaos, wipe the slate clean, and try
to create something more sustainable from the wreckage? For several
years now I have been advocating economic collapse, the sooner the
better, since the longer we continue on our present reckless course,
the greater the number of extinctions and the more ecosystems to go
into collapse But it has finally sunk in that industrial collapse
might actually push us over the edge. For the irony is that
industrial pollutants, mostly sulfates, are blocking more incoming
radiation – a full 1degree C. That extra degree would bring us to
the brink of runaway climate change, the 3 degree threshold outlined
in another of Lynas's books, Six Degrees. We may well be
already there. James Hansen argues that 2 degrees Celsius, around
which there is an international consensus, is too soft as a safe
target, that 1.5 degrees is the tipping point. Though we are “only”
at .8 degrees now, a strong El Nino – which may have just begun -
would release another .2 still stored in the oceans, and the carbon
cycle will deliver another .8 degrees over its period of 20 years.
That would leave us at 2.8C by 2035. Unless a significant amount of
carbon is removed soon, we have locked in that tipping point within
twenty years, even if we stopped further fossil emissions today.
So we are stuck with global
industrialization, at least for now. The best we can do is to try to
limit growth, approaching a steady-state, continuing to release
industrial aerosols while we work to find something more benign,
creating a soft landing for a more mature, sustainable Anthropocene.
We seem to be approaching a global consensus that something robust
needs to be done, with major statements by the G-7 in late spring,
and a deepening commitment from China to the major agreement
announced last fall between China and the US, the two biggest
players. Global corporations are getting it, with almost 90
companies signing on to Obama's effort to get their cooperation in
emissions reductions. Here's the link again to the
New York magazine article on 2015's potentially momentous shift. We are starting
to transition to a path of lower carbon pollution; however, it has
not come soon enough to avoid catastrophic climate change. So the
major players in the Anthropocene scenario, the developed nations and
their partner global corporations, will need to go into crisis mode
and design some major tinkering, something beyond redoubling efforts
to reduce omissions.
GEOENGINEERING. An atmosphere
manipulated by humans is the first major piece of geoengineering. It
started with the Industrial Revolution in Britain (the coal-fired
steam pump to be precise), with the process accelerating greatly when
the US and Europe industrialized , redoubling with
re-industrialization during post WWII, and finally the rapid
industrialization of China in the 1990's. This process, which began
willy-nilly, will not end without some intentional reverse
geoengineering of the sort being discussed by scientists and
policymakers world-wide. Such discussions have intensified in recent
years, with calls for public disclosure and vetting of potential
experiments involving some of the techniques being proposed. No
matter what the people in the streets, town halls, and blogosphere
say, the global power structure, both national and corporate, will
simply not go into stoic mode and let the climate catastrophe run
away with us in its wake. We may still prove to have been
too smart for our own good, but we are going to use the tools at our
disposal.
I know this flies in the face of the
romantic/green position, which asks us to sacrifice our
high-consumption lifestyles and is wary of technological fixes, which
got us into the mess in the first place. They would also endorse
Thomas Berry's challenge that we need a “re-invention of the human
at the species level.” Since natural selection would obviously take
far too long to have any effect on fast-moving planetary events,
Berry can only be talking about cultural evolution, which has been
the agent of planetary change via the huge acceleration in human
invention. (This is pointed out by James Lovelock, whose latest book
is the focus for the next post in this series). Greens would
correctly point out that large-scale attempts at geo-engineering are
not only potentially dangerous for Gaia, they would have the effect
of encouraging earthlings to relax about carbon emissions. But as I
should have made clear, the best we can do in reducing emissions will
fail to halt a very steep climate change curve which is accelerating
every day. Geoengineering will come only when it absolutely must,
and it will be about buying time, not “solving” climate change.
Geo-engineering could come in two
forms. The first is removing carbon from the air, carbon capture and
storage (CCS). Several years ago, after a talk in Raleigh in which
he touted this as one answer to our dilemma, I asked James Hansen if
he knew of any peer-reviewed studies of the process. He said no, he
did not, but “surely the best method would be to capture it from
power plants and pump it to the bottom of the ocean, where it would
do the least harm.” In other words, he didn't really have a a
clue. Surveying the status of such projects today, one plant
continues operation in Finland. Both the Eurozone and the US started
prototypes, then dropped them because of funding overruns. The
process is extremely expensive and it is doubtful we will ever have
the will or the money to do much of it.
The other form of geo-engineering is
far more powerful and far cheaper to do, namely limiting the amount
of sunlight that reaches the earth in the first place. Two methods
have been put forth. One is to emulate volcanoes. Volcanoes throw
out a lot of sulfur dioxide, which has the effect of blocking
incoming radiation. Large eruptions have had global cooling effects
for a year or more (the Pintatubo eruption of 1991, for example), and
scientists think that a series of huge eruptions may have caused at
least one of the planet's large extinction events.
The process would be fairly simple.
Planes would fly into the stratosphere at the poles and dump sulfur
dioxide, which would spread and create the effect of a high-altitude
volcanic eruption. The process would be repeated at required
intervals until the cooling effect would not be needed any more.
Since the effects of such an activity would be unknown in advance,
scientists have proposed small-scale experiments to get some data,
hopefully exposing negative side effects. One of these, which may
not be detectable at a small scale, is that the sky would no longer
be as blue, based on observations of largescale eruptions in the
past.
A second promising method would be to
artificially create low-altitude, extra-bright clouds over oceans
which would reflect some of the sun's rays back into space. Armand
Neukermans, building on the work of John Latham at NCAR, has made
substantial progress towards creating aerosols from ocean water which
could greatly enhance the reflectivity of these low-lying clouds.
This would be economical as well as less risky than injecting sulfur
dioxide into the stratosphere – although the aerosol droplets would
ultimately need to be injected 10 miles into the stratosphere for
maximum effect. The first oceanic experiment is scheduled for
Moss Landing, CA next year.
Though many greens, including those
like myself thoroughly drenched in romantic values, would prefer to
let it all crash, I have reached clarity that we
must stay with the
global industrial system long enough to see through the
geoengineering prior to collapse. If we don't create conditions for
a soft landing of the industrial age, we face the twin dangers of
losing the aerosol buffer and of not having the means to create the
atmospheric tinkering to cool things down. Paul Gilding lays out this
second part in probable detail in
The Great Disruption,
where he argues that big companies have one last co-ordinated action
to complete before being replaced by a new order, more
earth-friendly. He expects that, once the developed nations
experience the first massive climate shocks, a global alliance will
quickly form to rapidly transform industrial products to fight the
climate war, similar to what US corporations achieved during WWII,
only at a more gargantuan scale.
So geoengineering will come, and it
will need to be soon to be effective. While the climate diplomats in
Paris this December are scrutinizing endless draft texts for
something their governments can accept, there could well be a
parallel underground conference of their engineer counterparts
discussing strategies for coordination of these massive projects.
There is a sense in which an international treaty, a second Peace of
Paris, would be the “noble lie” which serious policy players,
advised by scientists, would use as cover for their work of “saving
civilization.” How such a scenario might unfold is unclear. The
best case is for the best possible research to be done, and that the
action will be co-ordinated by the international community, rather
than rogue states or corporations.
There is clearly a comparison with
another signal event of the Anthropocene, the first atom bomb test in
Alamagordo, New Mexico. Scientists observing it were laying bets
whether the earth's atmosphere would survive. Robert Oppenheimer
quoted the Bhagavad-Gita, “I am the destroyer of worlds.” The
rest is central history of the Anthropocene. We dropped two bombs,
devastating two large cities in Japan, which led to a nuclear
stalemate that has dampened our warlike tendencies, due to the MAD
consequences. As with the Manhattan Project, we simply don't know
how a complex earth system (Gaia) will respond to rapid large-scale
geoengineering. We don't know enough variables to build a reliable
model. We will need to face the risk of unexpected consequences.
Risk-taking is a hallmark of the
Anthropocene, and one risk creates the scenario for the next (viz
nuclear power), even greater risk. At some point it will end, either
with a huge failed gamble, or with a gradual series of stepped-down
actions, ushering in a more sustainable successor to the
Anthropocene. Either way, its days are numbered, for it will be the
shortest geological era ever, a tiny stratum in the geological
record.
Labels: "The God Species", Anthropocene, climate change, deep time, El Nino, geo-engineering, industrial aerosols, James Hansen, james lovelock, Mark Lynas, Paul Gilding, sulfur dioxide, The Great Disruption, Thomas Berry
Saturday, August 15, 2015
Climate Endgame: a Shift in Consciousness?
The Quaker renewal I prayed for in
the last entry may feel far away in some of it previous centers of
influence.
In the first generation, as
many as 20% of the English and Welsh were Quaker; it was a contagion sweeping
Britannia.
Now there are barely 20,000
left in Britain.
On the East coast of
the US, especially Pennsylvania, New York, and North Carolina, where Friends
once flourished, meetings are languishing.
The older generation is dying off, and they are not being replaced.
Quaker organizations, especially the American
Friends Service Committee, which was a vital force for peace and postwar
recovery in the mid twentieth century, are suffering because these generous
donors are passing from the stage. Friends United Meeting, a mainstream,
pastored style of Quakerism with planned sabbath services, is undergoing a
serious split over a staunch anti-gay stand by its ruling oligarchy.
But here in Southern Appalachian
Yearly Meeting, we continue to experience growth (which is true of New England
Yearly Meeting as well). And my home
meeting in Celo is particularly blessed with an influx of young people in their
20's and 30's, mostly woofers attracted to organic farming, communitarian
living, and the Celo Community land trust.
It had long seemed to me that liberal Quakerism was a natural place for
the spiritual but not religious to explore.
For these young people, jaded by disappointment with organized religion
and politics, a creedless, non-hierarchical faith community has indeed proved
attractive. And we have good potlucks
every First Day after worship.
At Meeting yesterday, a longtime
attender spoke about the changes he sensed, both in the Meeting and the
world. For almost our entire history of
over 60 years, we have opened our meeting for worship to campers from Camp
Celo, a Quaker-based camp just down the road.
They file in quietly, sit mostly on the floor, and request hymns as long
as the clerk allows. Then they share silent worship with us for 5 or 10 minutes
before quietly filing out and returning to camp. Yesterday, my friend observed
that the children were unusually quiet, almost somber this year, an observation
that strikes true for me. They know something big and very scary is up. It was Nagasaki Day, and a Japanese woman had
just tearfully prayed for the abolition of nuclear weapons. In response to this gathering awareness, he
saw signs of an awakening, both to the cause of world peace, but even more
critically, to the imminent danger of climate catastrophe.
There are indeed signs of a
shift. In the fall, the US and China
made serious pledges to reduce greenhouse emissions as a first step towards a
Paris accord this December. Other nations followed with their own
commitments. At the G7 conference in
June, the assembled industrial powers pledged to phase out carbon emissions
this century, with an initial commitment to the “upper end” of 40-70% below
2010 levels by 2050 (climate scientists are calling for 80-90% by
mid-century). Shortly thereafter, Pope
Francis issued his eloquent environmental encyclical, setting off a reaction
among conservative politicians in the US jockeying for the nomination of the
Party of Denial. But it is having its
effect among the “independents” who have yet to be convinced of the present
dangers of climate change, though most of them accept it at some level.
Shifting the message from scientific fact
to one of morality is producing ripple effects far beyond the world's
billion-plus Catholics. Lastly,
President Obama has completed his Clean Power Plan for US power generation, and
it is more ambitious than promised in its earlier stages. Freed of the need for re-election, he is
proving to be a much stronger environmental president than during his first
term, despite the fact that he has approved drilling in the Arctic and has
continued to postpone a decision on the Keystone XL pipeline. At the joint
announcement with Premier Xi of the US-China emissions reduction pledge last
fall, he echoed Washington Governor Jay Inslee: "We are the first
generation to feel the impact of climate change, and the last generation that
can do something about it." Thusfar, his rhetoric has exceeded his
actions. But the two are getting
closer.
Of course the President can't do
this alone.
Blocked by Congress, he is
exploiting the powers of the executive. But when it comes to an international
climate treaty to be signed, the senate must agree by a 2/3 majority, which seems
an impossible political mountain to climb.
Yet I find Paul Gilding's positive spin on this impasse plausible in his
provocative and optimistic book,
The Great Disruption.
http://paulgilding.com/the-great-disruption/ Gilding
prefers not to worry about it, since the time is nigh when there will be
sufficient disruption to the lives of rich country denizens that an intelligent
response to the obvious will be ripe and natural. When the time comes, the wall
of denial may fall as fast as the Berlin Wall.
May it be soon.
So does the shift in awareness mean
there is a place for a climate treaty at the UN COP 21 in Paris?
I have previously posted about the current
path towards a Paris Accord, calling it a
patchwork quilt approach.
Yes, I think there will be a treaty, but its chief importance is to
establish a hopeful tone, a sense of progress that will encourage more
significant measures. The joint communique by the US and China last fall has
helped create that tone. Other countries have followed their lead, some with
promising commitments (Mexico, Brazil, European Union), others with weak,
disappointing ones (Russia, Canada, and most recently, Australia).
As I have argued here before, the
key is for the US and China, the two largest emitters, to forge a joint treaty
that is tough enough to be meaningful.
And China has ramped up its pledge by promising a further reduction in
carbon intensity.
The diplomacy
involved in their pushing for a bilateral agreement that is far more effective
than the likely range of outcomes in Paris is much more straightforward than
the delicate dance required of the global community in Paris, one that is still
split into the haves and have-nots, with the two sides continuing to trade
recriminations. Thoroughly woven into this diplomatic task is the issue of historical
responsibility for the CO2 plaguing the Earth, which pits the US against
China.
Though China is now the biggest
emitter, it is the US that carries the brunt of historic emissions.
This will remain, Paris treaty or not, the
key knot to cut for the US and China to jointly solve the impasse. But the
payoff could be huge if they succeed. In a recent interview with Grist,
James Hansen says that a strong, bilateral carbon tax between these two powers would change
everything.
So let's keep the political
pressure up, and the prayers going, for a Paris Accord in December.
But don't be too disappointed with the
toughness of the results, for it will be a gesture of solidarity for the fight,
another powerful symbol of a process that continues to knit beneath the surface
of geopolitics.
Labels: Cleqan Power Plan, COP 21, James Hansen, Jay Inslee, Paris climate accord, Party of Denial, Paul Gilding, Pope Francis, Quaker renewal, The Great Disruption
Monday, February 28, 2011
Climate Denial II: the Massive Continent Underneath
The world is warming. No arguing this. The Greenland ice shelf is melting, the Arctic's been ice-free for the last couple of summers, the West Antarctic ice shelf is starting to disintegrate. All of this guarantees sea-level rise, the question is simply how much (a meter and a half to 15 meters, excluding most of Antarctica). In an Oscar-nominated film,
“Sun Come Up,” filmmakers document the disappearance of the Carteret islands off Indonesia, and the relocation of its people. Permafrost in the northern tundra is melting, releasing an accelerating amount of a vast methane sink, and methane is 24 times more potent a greenhouse gas than CO2. Last summer there were widespread fires in Russia, disrupting grain production, blanketing Moscow in smoke for weeks. Flooding in Pakistan and Australia has come from unseasonable rainfall and disruption of the Indian monsoon. Deserts are increasing, including the North American southwest, which may now be in a fateful shift from semi-arid to arid. The oceans have taken up so much CO2 that they are acidifying, threatening creatures that manufacture shells and tiny plankton that form the base of the marine food chain. We are already past some key climatic tipping points.
In the face of all these undeniable facts, there are a disturbing number of public figures who claim that climate change is a
hoax . But more generally, the argument is over the cause. It goes,
sure there's warming, but it's part of a cyclical pattern. Moreover, CO2 levels do not predict warming, they follow it. These folks, who receive far more press than their numbers (in both senses) deserve, agree there's warming, but do not accept an anthropogenic cause. This despite the consensus of 99% of climate scientists backed up by over 20,000 data sets from across the globe that have produced models that have come ever closer to the global climate shift unfolding around us – ahead of schedule, and clearly linked to human burning of fossil fuels.
So, this mainstream of denial argues, either we shrug our shoulders and go on as if nothing were amiss, or we invest in geo-engineering at the last possible moment to prevent absolute catastrophe. Climate change deniers' typical option of no response leaves our planet to some freak of natural history to save us, or simply accept accelerating doom. There's a core of the rapturous right that is fine with that. Tired of exercising moral choice, confident that they are already saved, they are ready for a reckoning, the Rapture. But most tea-partyers are not enraptured, more worshippers of a misunderstood US Constitution than the God of Revelations. Faced with rapid climate change, they would simply retreat further into denial,lashing out at “communists” who urge responding with deep cuts in CO2 emissions, overseen by a U.N. treaty
It is true that, as a human trait, denial has evolutionary advantages. Putting aside looming problems, we focus on what works for our family and community (thus traditional farming and other forms of settled life). If we focused too much on the threat, we might be paralyzed by fear, losing hope, unable to respond. Because of this deep hard-wiring, there is some degree of denial in all of us. We deny the full consequences so that we can retain hope. One version of this is the
normalcy bias, the inability to accept change due to the comfort of habit. Such was the case with the majority of Jews who stayed in Germany as the thirties rolled on, eager to hold onto their homes, communities, and fortunes. So denial has survival value only up to a point. If the problem (i.e. climate change) requires a total revolution in behavior and yet denial persists, then any hope gained is dishonest, undercutting the possibility of mitigating the problem.
Suppose you're not convinced that anthropogenic climate change is for real, but you concede that it may be. This is the position of many in the middle of the debate. My own organization, NC Interfaith Power and Light, held several meetings with our WNC Congressman Heath Shuler, a blue dog Democrat who was initially reluctant to support climate legislation in the House. In the end, Shuler embraced the precautionary principle, explaining his action to a dubious conservative electorate as an “insurance policy.” Active in his church, he did this not just as a practical matter, but out of a sense of biblically based stewardship. He was re-elected in November. Bravo for you, Heath!
As I noted in the last post, the issue has become politicized, the parties taking polar opposite positions. Just a few months ago, we were on the verge of a climate package in the Senate, with mainstream environmental organizations working carefully towards a compromise with US senators and more sober business leaders who understood this whole climate change business was for real. The collapse of those talks is painfully traced in the
New Yorker, showing the weakness of the political process. Losing sight of the stakes, the climate issue has become political football, with many Republicans who agreed to some form of legislation prior to the last election undergoing a conversion during the campaign (John McCain, co-author of the first congressional climate bill, is a sad example). Cow-towing to the center of their own party, Harry Reid and Barack Obama have shown virtually no leadership on the issue. At this point, with a wave of tea-partyers assaulting Washington, climate legislation appears dead.
This dodging of the facts and repudiation of moral responsibility is unfortunately true of many failing leaders in both industry and politics. Short term gain, be it the corporate bottom line or political success, trumps the kind of long-term planning required for victory in the greatest war humankind has ever faced. Confronted with a crisis, we are better at fabricating short term strategies from what's at hand, seeing the situation in a local or perhaps regional context, than long-term global cooperation and planning. The ascendant right fears world federalism, which they feel would inevitably follow from U.N.-sponsored emissions monitoring, yet all of us would work together to help our neighbors during a flood or a fire. On the geopolitical stage, “national interest” - viewed narrowly and short-term – prevents cooperating with our “enemies,” as we have sadly seen in climate negotiations, especially at Copenhagen.
As for the local perspective, far too many of us are willing to ignore huge changes far away from us, swayed by two severe winters in a row in most of the US. But even here, a careful observer would note that winter is still shorter than it used to be – a lot shorter this winter in Western NC. And last summer was hotter than usual for most of us. Globally, 2010 tied for the hottest year on record. Just ask the Russians, the Pakistanis, or the Aussies.
Climate change progressives, “climate hawks” as David Roberts of Grist calls us, also harbor subtle forms of denial. Like others not so convinced of the evidence, we simply need to go on with our lives, going to work, enjoying our families and hobbies, taking a vacation now and then. I quit my job as a tenured professor to devote my life to fighting climate change, but I still fly airplanes to be with my family. And if I still taught college humanities, planning classes and conducting research would be a welcome buffer against reading scientific reports of accelerating climate doom. Even grading student essays would keep despair at bay! After ten years of studying climate science and nuclear safety, reading almost no fiction, only fitfully reading poetry, which was my field of study and a source of deep inspiration and wonder, I now indulge in the occasional novel and poetry. It's just too hard to stay with our current global reality on a daily basis.
Finally, the most harmful form of denial is not of climate facts, but of personal responsibility for political action. Scientists working on the Manhattan Project wore blinders to the possible fruits of their research. As the reports cascade in, climate scientists are challenged to speak, yet few of them will take a stand on the governmental action required. They approve in principle, but not with passion, perhaps risking their careers. Last summer I hosted an Asheville climate scientist, one of the lead authors of a section of the Fourth Assessment, thus a Nobel Prize co-winner, as part of a conference on preserving the Blue Ridge bioregion. After his presentation on the effect of climate change on the US and the South, I pressed him for support of climate legislation. He shook his head, saying that was the business of politicians.
James Hansen, on the other hand, whose seminal climate science work I have frequently quoted here, breaks the mold, aggressively lobbying for (sometimes being arrested) vigorous climate legislation. Some policy wonks complain that he sometimes backs the wrong horse because he doesn't fully understand the economics. But at least he takes a position, in contrast to the studied neutrality of my Asheville IPCC contact. Ecojustice requires that we take a stand, partaking in messy politics, risking being wrong. It keeps the conversation going, hopefully lurching towards political action that is informed and effective. Leaving politics to the politicians is ultimately moral suicide.
Next: A passage to India, and a swami's brand of climate denial.
Labels: Carteret Islands, climate denial, climate hawks, ecojustice, global flooding, James Hansen, methane sink, normalcy bias, the Rapture, tundra melt, world federalism
Tuesday, May 27, 2008
Is Science the Prophetic Voice of Our Time?
A colleague posed this query a few weeks ago. It accompanied James Hansen’s letter to Jim Rogers, Duke Power CEO, passionately trying to dissuade him from building a huge new coal-fired plant at Cliffside, south of Charlotte, NC. Hansen is one of the worlds’ foremost climate scientists, working tirelessly to inform politicians and corporate leaders of the disastrous consequences of business as usual.
Climate change is the key moral issue of our time and the greatest challenge our species has ever faced. Chief among the Pandora’s box of ecological crises unleashed by the global corporate industrial complex, it is worthy of enlisting prophetic voices. But because it is sworn to value neutrality, science itself is not prophetic. Peer review attempts to assure allegiance to the scientific method, but in the public statements which the IPCC releases periodically, it is the politics of careful consensus that determines the averaged truth we hear.
What makes the reports of bodies like the IPCC prophetic is that they deliver with considerable authority a truthful view of the world, one which our shackles of habit and comfort resist. Cal DeWitt, legendary environmental science professor, pointed out recently that the job of the scientist, as well as the ordinary citizen, is simply to describe what he sees when he honestly looks at the world we live in. Thus the scientist and the honest citizen play the role of the little boy who pointed out to a kingdom of sycophants that the emperor wore no clothes.
Science is descriptive. By its ability to measure concentrations of atmospheric gases, and compare them to other climatic eras, the IPCC is able to make a comprehensive case for the earth’s condition. By taking on the role as arbiter of truthful evidence in the post-Enlightenment world, science plays less the role of prophet than priest. In the case of climate change, it provides an enormous counterweight to industry and the politicians who do its bidding. But in other cases, like the pharmaceutical industry, it is thoroughly complicit in the corporate goal of fleecing the consumer by controlling the means of relief from the mortal reality framing our lives.
In the case of the IPCC reports, the sense that science is prophetic comes from its ability to predict future climates based on more and more precise modeling of those from the past and present. Since its models are so powerful, we experience the dawning future like a fearsome wave asymptotic to the present reality; the future is collapsing upon our poorly-defended present. For those with eyes open it feels like prophecy unfolding.
Science is also normative, and those norms not only dictate the practice of science, they enshrine it as the technological fix. Running out of food? No problem, we’ll synthesize it in the lab. Too much CO2? Let’s pump it into the ground, perhaps piping it under the ocean. The latter dream reminds me of Goethe’s Faust and his vast scheme for water projects spanning the northern hemisphere. Ignoring Faustus’ fate in the Medieval morality play and in Marlowe’s drama, we honor him as Goethe’s romantic hero, the superscientist who holds the keys to the kingdom of sustainability.
Individual scientists take what their science has given them to speak in moral terms. In his letter to Jim Rogers, Hansen speaks of both the tragedy and the dangers to humankind presented by desperate climate refugees. He speaks of the moral imperative to preserve a habitable world for our children and grandchildren. But in the same letter, knowing he’s addressing a businessman, he dwells longest on the liability of building coal-fired plants in a business climate overshadowed by global warming.
Hansen acknowledges greed by pointing out the similarity in the disinformation campaign on climate change to the tobacco industry’s use of the same strategy, enabling it to amass huge profits while it diverted society from incontrovertible evidence that smoking caused cancer. But a true prophet would address our common greed, a whole society that has turned away from God’s charge to be stewards of the Garden. We like to blame the politicians and corporate overlords, but we are the ones who elect the politicians and buy the array of plastic from China, demanding food, oil, and electric power anytime from anywhere, at a huge cost to the earth.
The prophetic response to climate change emerges not from science but from allegiance to a power deeper than humanity. In the case of the Judeo-Christian tradition, that power resides in the Old Testament land ethic and in Jesus’s social gospel. The prophet would point out the special risk to the poor from climate disruption. To the prophetic ear, the message of the climate scientist leads to an examination of structural sin, a political liberalism that discounts the good of the whole, confident that individual liberty will liberate us all, including the least of these, into the horn of plenty. The mechanism for this is the Market, today’s Mammon enshrined by left and right alike, an economic structure that continues to enrich a minority while the poor remain mired in poverty. A rising tide raises all boats say the other modernist priests, neoliberal economists. Tell this to islanders and coastal dwellers already washed by that tide.
“See how Christ's blood streams from the firmament!” says Marlowe’s Faustus, his heart locked against repentance. In the next scene, the demons pull him bodily into hell. In contrast to the cool view of science, the universe is shot through with the divine, and has a moral structure. Faustus looks up and beholds the river of the suffering divine as it enters into relation with the world. Creation may not have taken place by means of the haunting poetry of Genesis, but scripture points out that ours is world structured by the divine, not chance. The Genesis Garden is laid out in quarters by the two rivers flowing through it. Prophecy is rooted in the recognition of this moral structure, and today it proclaims how our ecological sin has damaged it hugely.
Fundamentalists are retrograde to deny the atmospheric facts, but they are faithful in their witness to the divine foundation of prophetic speech and action. We need science’s help in getting the facts of Creation right, but all people of faith need to reach for the requisite motivation to preserve this old earth in the face of another great wave of extinction. We must re-affirm our deepest love and stewardship, for this time around, we are the Flood, and must learn again to be Noahs, undoing what our engine of progress has wrought.
Labels: Cliffside coal plant, climate change, Faust, IPCC, James Hansen, Jim Rogers, neoliberal economics, science and prophecy

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