Thursday, November 17, 2016

 

Shell-Shocked But Resilient

Dear Friends and Family,
     Today, I write you at the beginning of a new era in American politics – I pray a very short one. Never in my wildest imaginings did I think it would come to this. I am shell-shocked, incredulous. The president-elect makes Nixon look like a progressive (created by the political climate of 1970, when I attended the first Earth Day), and Reagan a relatively harmless genial grandfather, though his policies created a launching pad for Mr. Trump. George W. Bush, with all his failings, at least acknowledged the reality of climate change on several occasions, as did the 2008 Republican platform. That platform even insisted we had an obligation to the poor who were at risk from its ravages, already threatening their shores. Climate justice in a Republican platform, two cycles ago.
     The list of hard-won accomplishments in the last eight years that Trump plans to do away with is frightening. You all know that list, which, when erased, would indeed wipe away Barack Obama's legacy. The pivotal role of the Supreme Court going forward is key to much of what Trump intends to undermine. At the very least, the Roberts Court will go forward with a 5-4 conservative balance, and the probability of one or more of the liberal octogenarians being replaced during Trump's term is quite high, which would entrench that majority for another generation.
     I speak from a place of privilege, a white male with a PhD, comfortably retired. I am personally protected from the harm that Trump has either promised or darkly hinted at, aimed at women (especially abortion rights), undocumented workers, and the LGBT community. Muslims, both within and without our borders, most of all climate refugees from the Middle East, have been especially targeted.
     However, as a human being living in the Anthropocene period, I am hugely vulnerable to his most momentous threat, to withdraw as soon as possible from the Paris Accord which was negotiated last December, and went into effect just last week under the looming shadow of the US election. The odds of preventing catastrophic climate change are slim at best. Without an international agreement pushing nations to set and periodically ratchet up their carbon emissions reductions, those odds go from slim to virtually zero.
     One of the climate warrior organizations to which I subscribe wrote today that the Paris Accord would go forward without us, and the rest of the world would continue to develop renewable energy so rapidly that we would be caught up in the economic tide. But let's not kid ourselves. The US and China, as the biggest emitters, need to lead the rest of the world in the energy revolution. We are rapidly running out of time, and the US's leaving the pact, just as it is getting on its feet, would effectively kill this fledgling effort. The Paris Accord only has a chance to dampen climate disruption if a culture of peer nations, each trying to outdo the others in their pace of carbon reduction through periodic review, is quickly established. Any remnant of “greatness” left in our country would manifest in competition with China to be first among those peers. To align “greatness” with an attempt at rapid expansion of our economy, powered by an all-out expansion of fossil fuel extraction, would be even more devastating now than it was in the Reagan era.
     As for China, they are poised for leadership in the huge renewable energy market, once we abdicate as their chief competitor. This happened before, when Reagan tore down the solar collectors on the White House roof after defeating Jimmy Carter and mothballed the emergent solar energy revolution. Carter's plan for foreign aid during his second term centered on capitalizing the shift in developing countries to renewable energy for providing their increasing need for power. The far-seeing Carter, our only engineer-president, saw this as a way to leapfrog over the destructive fossil fuel pathway. I know this from a member of the energy team he had assembled at the end of his first tem. This was a huge blow to the climate struggle, even before we realized what we were doing. This was thirty-five years ago, when CO2 registered 339 ppm. We are well past the point where we can afford a second blow of this scale. Forgive them, for they know not what they do. Yes, Lord, in 1980. And now? The Creator's forgiveness is endless. Not so the Earth.
     So what are we to do? If Thomas Berry's prayer for “the re-invention of the human at the species level” is answered rapidly enough, it won't matter that we won't have an international agreement or governments committed to reducing emissions and building a post-carbon energy infrastructure at a wartime pace. Whether or not this requirement becomes reality in the tiny interval remaining before it's too late, 3-10 years, we can still work to change our own habits, and to build the resilience of our local communities. Some of those communities are destined for early dissolution, especially coastal communities that are already vulnerable to frequent storm surges from rising sea-levels. But others, like my own in Southern Appalachia, have a fighting chance, at least for awhile. International climate diplomacy aside, climate change happens at the level of the entire earth system, so even if some places are spared the initial onslaught of the awakened giant of climate disruption, refugees, some armed and desperate, will converge on them soon enough. Stark questions of sufficient water, food and shelter will ensue. This is already the reality in the Middle East and East Africa.
     The issues associated with rapid climate change are inescapable. It's just that with a Trump presidency looming on the horizon, they are coming at us even faster than we had hoped. And those we would educate and encourage to act mutually for the sake of our community, whether it be local, national, or global, are now in power, ready to entrench the very interests that are threatening global climate stability. Our task is huge, and it involves some fundamental actions. First, we must accept the new reality of a Trump presidency and everything that entails. Secondly, we need to redouble our efforts at grounding ourselves in a greater Reality, so that we are less effected by the tides of change, the pain, angst, and loss. Thirdly, we need to each find our place of resistance to the new regime, sharing with others our process of discernment among the range possibilities available.
     My next post will outline my own personal choices along this spectrum within the rich context of possibility in the international network for sanity, resilience, and resistance. A key immediate opportunity is to support the camp at Standing Rock, the Sioux water-keepers who are risking their lives to block deployment of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) through their Missouri River watershed and sacred sites. As they prepare for the harsh North Dakota winter, they need food, water, firewood, warm clothing and bedding, and reinforcements. They also need contributions to their legal defense fund. I am happy to report that a benefit at the Celo Community Center just down the road this past weekend raised $900 for the fund.
     Standing Rock is the spear-tip of the phalanx constituted by the global climate insurgency (Jan 18 post). It is a pivotal community of civil disobedience against the infrastructure being laid for a new era of fossil fuels, the fracked oil and gas from the Bakken (Dakotas), Marcellus (NY, Pennsylvania, and West Virgina) and Permian (West Texas) deposits. Resistance groups are sprouting up along all of these proposed pipeline routes. The attorney general of New York, backed by the governor, has ruled against fracking in that state. But civil disobedience, followed by consistent use of the necessity defense at trial, remains our chief legal tool, in the US as well as globally.


Labels: , , , , , , , , , , , ,


Thursday, December 10, 2015

 

Climate Justice: Does the Industrial West Owe Reparations?



As the talks in Paris entered their second, crucial week, unresolved issues that have been hanging for years of negotiations remain the sticking points. They center around climate justice, or the obligations of the rich, developed nations to the poor, developing ones. In a rather shocking “non-paper” sent to fellow rich countries before COP 21, the US urged its peers to hold firm against the demands of poor countries, for the main issue remained getting CO2 emissions down, not administering justice, which our government correctly saw as an ongoing (eternal) process, not something that could be resolved by one treaty.

It is a sad, harsh reality that certain nations face earlier climate ruin than others. The Pacific island nations, much of Africa, and Bangla Desh come immediately to mind, as do the South Indians who are being flooded as I write. An international Green Climate Fund has been created, with a goal of $100 billion for helping weaker countries adapt to climate change. As nations entered the Paris talks, this fund was less than 3% funded, though many are encouraged that some private capitalists, notably Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg, have committed to the process in a big way in Paris. Current U.S. commitments are paltry, dwarfed by our governments continuing huge subsidies to gas and oil interests.

I agree that firm commitments from the wealthier nations to make this fund a robust instrument of both adaptation and mitigation – as in the accord between France and India to invest $3 billion to supercharge solar energy in India – are absolutely required as part of a document that most of the world's nations could sign. And it is a major gesture, a huge shift since Copenhagen, that China has committed to contributing to this fund.

A key element in the climate justice demands of the G77 block in Paris is the historical carbon debt of the First World. It is true that the Western powers, primarily the UK and the US, have contributed most of the historical CO2 emissions. This historical carbon, as James Hansen recently pointed out, continues to represent the huge bulk of the extra CO2 burdening the carbon cycle. It persists for a long time, most of it a mere 500 years, but a quarter of it lasts essentially forever. See the sobering article in Nature.

The persistence of fossil CO2 in the atmosphere means that we must not only ramp down our emissions as fast as possible, but also find ways to pull it back out of the atmosphere (my post on fixing CO2 in soil last month outlines one pathway). So, yes, our industrial error has proved to be a mammoth one. But at the time of the industrial revolution in England, and later with the rapid industrialization of the US, we simply did not know what we were doing. The consensus was that the inventors were improving the lot of mankind. We now need to leave the platform which fossil fuels built, but we also need to recognize the many aspects of the modern world which were created by, and continue to be fueled by, oil in particular. This is part of the legacy of those who industrialized first to the rest of the world, even as we acknowledge the brave new world of new sources of energy, and new materials (see the current Economist for a fascinating look at the emerging materials universe), one which needs to replace the fossil platform as fast as possible.

In a recent wide-ranging historical overview of climate science, US science advisor John Holdren argued that scientists reporting to the President reached consensus by 1990 that the CO2 burden added by burning fossil fuels was greater than the opposing effect of industrial aerosol pollution (these aerosols, primarily sulfates, ironically hinder the warming effect of greenhouse gases by damping the amount of incoming solar radiation through re-reflection). If political leaders had accepted that scientific consensus, then any fossil-sourced emissions from that point on could be charged as culpable, witting ecological sin. That would of course include most of the cumulative emissions from China and India, as well as the continuing emissions from countries who industrialized first. The fact that the Republican Party continues to deny that climate change is human-driven is probably the greatest moral error in history, given this consensus. Even worse, Exxon scientists had reached the conclusion that fossil carbon would prove catastrophic before 1990.

But given that concerns about fossil greenhouse gases did not lead to any conclusive research until so late in the history of industrialization, I do not think that the US and the UK (plus Russia, Germany, and Japan) owe “reparations” for the historical carbon they dumped into Gaia's system. However, given the clear judgment in hindsight of the dominant role of the Anglo Atlantic partnership in the process of industrialization fueled by fossil carbon, India's argument that they and other developing nations like Indonesia should be alloted the lion's share of the remaining fossil carbon production is a convincing one – much as I would like to see all fossil carbon burning cease in the critically immediate future. China, which has developed faster than India, used to make the same argument, but air quality there, not to mention recognition at the highest levels of state of the imperative to limit global CO2 emissions, has shifted their tone (China has arguably the strongest renewable program in the world, despite the fact that it continues to use a lot of coal, though at a significantly decreasing rate).


What does make sense, which the wealthy nations continue to resist, is to fully fund the Green Climate Fund, with no more dithering. Yes, mitigation, as well as adaptation at this initial level of climate disruption is expensive, but far, far less than what would be required with disastrous BAU. The Stern Review remains the primary source clearly documenting this. At the halfway point in negotiations, it looks as if the wealthy nations will acknowledge some historical responsibility, but only if the issue is never brought up again. That feels like they are ramming through their will once again, and such a demand is unfair, if one looks at it in terms of value statements about justice and responsibility.

Nevertheless, I think the international community needs to put the idea of “reparations” behind it. The West correctly sees that setting any kind of precedent for that opens the door to being given a bill for any future disasters in the Third World, no matter what their cause. Though I have enormous sympathy for those who are on the frontlines of climate disruption, it is too much to expect a blank check accepting blanket responsibilities from the heirs of some innovative tinkerers in the coal country of England 300 years ago.

As for justice, Exxon should be heavily prosecuted for their willful climate change denial, the lynchpin in a strategy previously set by the tobacco industry, which also cynically denied their own internal research. Except that it is not just individual smokers killing themselves in the instance of strategically motivated climate denial, but ecocide. Reparations to extinct species are impossible.

Labels: , , , , , , , ,


Thursday, December 17, 2009

 

FOR WHOM THE BELLS TOLL

December 11 we vigiled around the Burnsville Square with our sign, “350= Climate Justice!” Three of us from Celo Friends Meeting were joined by a retired couple from Atlanta, sojourning at the Episcopal church in town. We were barely noticed, except when we stood under the “Go Cougars” sign. The same night, the Mountain Heritage high school football team was playing in Chapel Hill for the state 2A championship. It was very cold, and all got frosty fingers and toes. We walked around the square several times, turning our sign towards passing motorists. A woman walked across the crosswalk and gave us a quick, warm smile. There were no jeers, but also no inquiries or thumbs up. The only one among us born in the county was the gentleman from St Thomas, and he was impressed simply by the fact that such a vigil was possible in the town where he grew up. We vigiled until dark, the sky turning from deep blue to charcoal.

This was Friday night. On Sunday, Jim, one of the vigilers, brought a bell which we passed around at the close of Meeting, each person ringing it twenty times, until the number 350 was reached. (350 ppm CO2 is the upper limit climate scientists agree the earth can absorb and maintain anything like the world we grew up in. The present concentration of CO2 is 390.) Answering the call of 350.org and the World Council of Churches, bells tolled 350 times around the world, calling the negotiaters and climate ministers to climate justice via the treaty being negotiated in Copenhagen. A Baptist minister, shepherd of the church on the square, had first answered that they'd ring the bells 350 times Sunday afternoon, but he failed to respond to my calls for confirmation during the preceding week. Most people in Yancey county don't accept climate change, and so this proclamation was probably too risky for him.

For whom do these bells toll? First, they toll for the nations most at risk, the island nations, nations like Bangladesh with low coastlines, the African nations being pushed more and more irrevocably into drought. These are the countries providing leadership at the conference, courageously standing up to the industrial powers who have used strong-arm tactics against them in each of the negotiating sessions prior to COP-15. Meanwhile, the US and China carry on a diplomatic duel, pointing fingers at each other over responsibility for the mess. The EU has continued to provide leadership of its own, both promising the most cuts in CO2 emissions and the most money to help poorer nations pay the costs of shifting to lower carbon energy economies. Russia and Japan have also promised fairly deep cuts by 2020. But these levels remain insufficient, and as the climate summit heads into its final days, the rich and poor nations, and the US and China, remain deadlocked. Heads of state have started arriving and giving speeches ahead of the final scramble for a treaty framework. Gordon Brown, the British PM, arrived early, trying to help the poor nations and NGO's, (the latter being progressively excluded from the final sessions) broker a deal with the rich countires who have caused most of the pollution.

For whom do these bells toll? The poorer nations are clearly most at risk from climate change. But the bells toll not only for them, but for all nations, for rising seas and changing weather patterns will affect all, if not now, soon. Climate change has begun, and is picking up speed. Only a few years ago, scientists worried that the Arctic would be ice-free by 2070. Now a credible study by the US Navy points to five-seven years. And they have tolled already in New Orleans, where the poor either died, hang on with scant help or have become some of the earliest climate refugees.

Negotiating a treaty that will lay out a pathway towards climate justice will be difficult, close to impossible. The divides at COP-15 are many and deep, especially those between the developed and developing worlds, and the US and China. The key problem is the clash between politics and the laws of nature. Climate science reveals a narrowing window for action and a steepening curve for the costs of stabilizing and eventually cutting back carbon emissions. These costs, politically and economically, are enormous, verging on the astronomical as the window for action closes. Since we are dealing with tipping points for a whole interlocking series of positive feedback loops, what the Brits call “add-on effects,” it's not something we can fix after we are dead certain these effects have been unleashed. Some have already, yet denial allows many to enjoy “normal”life for a short while. We are a remarkably resilient species, and the mind is especiallly pliable, entertaining multiple fantasies of escape and salvation, either by technology or divine intervention. But as we sleepwalk like lemmings towards the rising seas, the Four Horsemen have already entered the field, swords and scythes upraised.

Concurrent with COP-15, the Parliament of World Religions has convened in Melbourne. I attended the last one in Barcelona in 2004, trying to get the religions of the world to accept anthropogenic climate instability as the chief moral issue of our times. Gary Gardner, the religion editor for Worldwatch, and I announced a meeting for those who agreed. One Spanish priest showed. Another meeting, held in Gaudi's storied la Pedrera, replete with wonderful speakers and multilingual translators, was attended by less than 50. A friend who was with me at Barcelona is attending, and says that religious leaders are very focused this time on the primacy of climate as a moral issue. A Christian pastor, he assured me this fall that “God will not let us fail..” Yesterday he wrote that things were looking pretty bleak for a new climate treaty, adding that he was holding out for a miracle.

All of us are praying for that miracle at Copenhagen, including some atheists trying new behavior. The miracle would be a fair, scientifically honest, binding treaty that builds on Kyoto and includes the US, China, India, Brazil, and Indonesia as signatories, as well as the 37 nations bound by emissions reductions in the Kyoto Accord. The bells are tolling, not just for rich and poor, but for the amphibians, the birds, and the mammals, including our species: all higher life on this remarkably blessed planet.

Father forgive them, for they know not what they do...

Friends, what have we done? Can it still be undone?

Labels: , , , ,


This page is powered by Blogger. Isn't yours?

Subscribe to Posts [Atom]